Storing up trouble

Little respect for the fundamental principles of good and effective involvement in the Coalition so far

Sunday 1 August 2010 10:00 by Mark Butler (0 comments)

Things are going to go much more smoothly under this Government than under the last?

The first few months of the Coalition Government have been frenetic - driven it seems by a belief that almost everything associated with the last government was wrong in some way.  Alarm bells are already ringing that too much has already been bitten off than can be inserted into the mouth, never mind chewed? 

More disturbing though is the apparent (surely unwise) assumption that things are going to go much more smoothly under this Government than under the last, just because it is ..... well, them.

What other conclusion could be drawn from the way governance and public accountability are being dealt with as huge sections of public services are being redesigned.  Local authorities may be celebrating their success in winning the democratic deficit argument with Health, with much more responsibility for health shifting across to them, the duly elected.   But reliance on representative democracy alone - the "we make tough decisions on your behalf" model - is not going to be up to the task of handling the disruption and conflict inherent in social and institutional changes already under way.  More for less alone means choices on which there will be no consensus. And mediation they will most certainly need, as local elected representatives will find out the moment they touch a much-loved service.

The related cull of quangos shows up the wider problem of premature optimism and also highlights the dangers of obsession with momentum - the current desire to get things done quickly in a visibly different way to the last Government.  This week came a set of announcements about regulatory, standards and governance bodies made without any consultation and with no apparent involvement of the public or public bodies or anyone else for that matter.   And how thin is the underlying thinking about how standards will be safeguarded and tough conflicts ahead mediated, in the absence of the bodies concerned? It is surely not enough to say functions will transfer to another body without testing if the inherent processes will in fact carry the burden of responsibility.

A different strand of such thinking is evident in proposals for the planning system - an apparent pushing down of decision-making to a local level which appears to give power of veto to just about anyone in the neighbourhood.  On the face of it such ideas, driven by a desire to prove a point, underestimates the need for robust processes for conflict resolution which really improve the world around us. Localism on its own is not enough for making divisive decisions stick. 

The answer lies in much more open, continuous and convincing participative models of involvement wherever the public and institutions touch.  Fontis proposes a new deal on public services to be created through collaboration, co-operation, participation and mediation of conflict.  There is too little evidence of respect for these fundamental principles in what the Coalition is doing.  It is more than a missed opportunity.  It is storing up trouble for itself and for us.

 

 

David Cameron, Catwoman and Big Society

Is Big Society a siren call - the Catwoman of political and social change in this country - attractive, ephemeral, and potentially VERY dangerous, in an exciting sort of way?

Wednesday 28 July 2010 15:00 by Graham English (0 comments)

Whether Big Society is attractive or not may depend on our collective abilities to withstand the siren calls

David Cameron's 'Big Speech' on 'Big Society' last week in Liverpool has attempted to set out more of the map for the Big Society territory.  As a consequence we now know a little more about the Big Society Bank, and err, .....

'Big Society' remains a set of worthy ideals, and the evidence that the rhetoric has substance remains minimal.  The question could rapidly become 'Is Big Society attractive but ephemeral?'.  As a consequence it is open to interpretation by a wide variety of soothsayers, political interests and commentators (including us I suppose).  We notice that in this process the dialogue about Big Society has become, at least in the media's eyes, a dialogue about volunteering, and especially about volunteering replacing proper professional delivery of public services as a consequence of expenditure cuts.  This is an unimaginative and narrow interpretation of Big Society, which we think has far more potential than that. 

And so it seems does the Government.  After a post-election pause David Cameron is not the only member of the Government putting forward 'Big Solutions'; witness Theresa May and elected Commissioners for the Police Service, and some very low profile proposals from Andrew Lansley on the Local Authority role in Health.

Eric Pickles' frank admission that the two agendas of Big Society and Public Expenditure cuts are linked, saying for boss David Cameron what probably remains true but unsayable, was an interesting move.  We think that Mr Pickles is right to make the link explicit, after all everyone else thinks it. If there is one thing that destroys trust in such relationships it is a sense that the protagonists and 'Experts' (whether from the Government, 'the Authority' or other holder of power), are not being open and honest. 

And in a very real sense Big Society can and should be about what works in practice; to fix this thing too early would be a mistake. We believe that what Big Society is, what it does and what works should be established as much by 'us' as by 'them', because in that sense at least, it is right to be terrified by the thought of Big Society as Government led.  A truly engaged public, involved in decision-making at all levels, trusting because of a sense of real relationship, or the possibility of having influence if that is required, is always likely to be distrustful of 'Big Government' generating solutions that require 'us' to take on a greater share of the responsibility for delivery of services. Why should we expect the drive for a new relationship, a new social and psychological contract between people and their public services, one that requires a new trust, new duties, new actions, to come from Government AND to be successful, especially when it does so in the face of the current expenditure crisis in the public sector?

In part this is a problem exemplified by the classic response to a request for directions, 'well I wouldn't start from here'.  Or in this case, 'I wouldn't ask a (any) Government to establish a Big Society'.

And the policy appears to lack coherence, a symptom perhaps of the extent to which it is new, not embedded in a tradition of thought in the Tory-led Government, is therefore ill-thought-through, and for some, a badge of convenience.  For example, there is a consistent mistaking of democratically-led scrutiny and control for true involvement.  So, the policy of Elected Commissioners of Police potentially prejudices, dangerously so say some commentators, important mainstays of police independence from the political process, and distracts attention from an equally interesting but much less visible set of proposals about re-engaging local people with their police service.  And there is a similar pattern in the proposed relationship between new health systems and Local Authorities.

So, whether you find Big Society attractive or not may depend on our collective abilities to withstand the siren calls and focus on the substance that lies somewhat hidden within.

Anarchy in the UK? Or Opportunity Knocks?

A strategy for leaders who are able to see and create the opportunity that lies within the chaos

Wednesday 23 June 2010 09:00 by Mark Butler (0 comments)

Hangman accountability and populist performance assessment will do us no good

Post-election days are often pretty confusing for people working in public services.  This time it seems many within the system are feeling exceptionally uncomfortable.  The situation is being described fairly openly as anarchic. Maybe this in inevitable especially when there is a change of Government after a long period of stability.

Whatever its cause the general opinion is that the rules of engagement are not just unclear but unfathomable - who to listen to, what really matters, what will survive, what will be ditched, what matters to whom and why.  The confusion this time around is being stoked by an electronic equivalent of a snow storm of emails and mildly contradictory imperatives, not just from Government but from those seeking to explain the inexplicable, professional bodies, social networks, pundits and bloggers.  And underlying it all is the fear of change linked to cuts in expenditure.

In short many leaders feel able to articulate a disorienting, disabling and de-energising fog which has embraced their world.  The cultural bearings have been lost. And this state of confusion is lingering longer than usual.

Seeing the way through the fog with resilience is certainly difficult.  But the rewards for those that do are considerable - not just for themselves but for those they work with.  It is really the most ethical response to perceived, if somewhat overstated, anarchy

The deepest resilience comes from concentrating confidently on what you can control.  The best people I meet both see and express, with no sense of irony or world-weariness, a clear view -  they say there are rich opportunities to do things differently and better now, which are ripe for the taking with the right mindset.

It is expecting a lot of people in a system to rethink the system in radical ways.  They cannot do it alone.  Our experience is it the external stimulus of direct involvement of the public in decision-making and direction-setting which can be positive, energising and grounding for individuals and teams - cutting through the fog. This may seem perverse but the key role of involvement is not to be underestimated.

Effective leaders increase their chances of making change in a period of uncertainty when they get and stay connected to customers, to the public, away from the energetic noise of new Government babble.  They seek to set a line of sight which starts with the experiences of individuals and their circumstances and sets a focus for themselves and those around them right there, not on temporary difficulties being experienced by the leaders themselves within the system nor on wasteful speculation.

Taking action, based on resilience, achieved via a strong commitment to public contact and involvement, on things within your control, might seem a slightly odd recipe for making the most of a confusing period.  But it works. Fontis can help. Try it. Try us.

A Choice Between Scepticism and Hope?

George Osborne's 'Spending Review Framework' sets some mighty objectives for an engagement process without parallel. Are these objectives real and is the process robust?

Sunday 13 June 2010 20:00 by Graham English (0 comments)

Hangman accountability and populist performance assessment will do us no good

The new Government is certainly prepared to make some bold statements, some would say 'brave' in the Sir Humphrey sense.  And none of those statements would seem much bigger than Chancellor of the Exchequer, George Osborne's promise last week to,

"start a period of external engagement between the Government and all parts of society ....., in order to obtain the best ideas from those most involved in and affected by public services".

There is no bigger issue in British political and economic life just now, and here is the Government promising, not just to consult, but to engage.  We like that.

I'm told scepticism, even cynicism, is a very British trait.  Perhaps so, but if you have a strength, play to it...!  So, the sceptics amongst us (and we are often they) will say, show us the hard substance of this proposal, and in truth just at the moment it's hard to see real substance: The accompanying 'Spending Review Framework' sets out the scale of the problem, a timetable for addressing it and, under the heading 'We're all in this together', delivers a side of A4 on the consultative process that says....err, not a lot.  We are promised 'talented individuals' to provide expert advice, and a 'series of events' over the summer to 'discuss and debate' among 'a range of people'.  "Invitees will include members of think tanks and interested groups, academics, representatives of local government, business and trade unions, and public sector experts and watchdogs such as the Audit Commission." (we'll let you know if we're invited, if you tell us the same!) Oh, and a series of events in undefined sectors.  And its relationship to real decision-making? The relationship between this process and the supposed venue for decision-making (the so-called Star Chamber of senior Ministers) is also left unclear.

In other words this is not yet a well defined process, or at least not yet in public.  Can you smell a conspiracy yet?  But here's the rub.  If this is a genuinely open and dynamic process, a true reaction to a new form of Government in troubled times, actually I wouldn't want too much certainty just yet. 

We know that true engagement is dynamic, complex, messy, and even at times 'chaotic' in the sense that a lot of different things, some diametrically opposed to each other, will happen at once.  Embracing that approach, even with the apparent benefit of having observed Canadian experience, won't make those factors go away, nor should it.

So, you quite literally pay your money (tax, not bribes, I hope) and make your choice: Do you suspend your cynicism about our political system and our politicians, allow the possibility that something different is happening, that it may have real effect, or that it is at least a real attempt at such change, or do you see these words as mere idealism that will be worn down by the tide of real events and grubby politics, or, worse, see them as window dressing, as designed to sugar the pill.  In short, do you choose scepticism or hope?

Hangman accountability and populist performance assessment wont do in a truly Big Society

Are we in danger of reinforcing a negative, arms-length model of democratic engagement? Will we generate a false sense of ownership to the public and nurture a short-termist focus for the elected individual and by the media?

Friday 4 June 2010 17:00 by Mark Butler (0 comments)

Hangman accountability and populist performance assessment will do us no good

Ah, the magic of elections. Nationally and locally elections and voting more generally seem be seen as THE essential component in creating a new connection between the public and the State.  Think elected mayors.  Think elected Boards in the NHS (maybe, in whatever (re)-structure emerges from the warm ashes of the last one).  

But elections, and even voting itself, especially at local level, are in danger of reinforcing a negative, arms-length model of democratic engagement. It plays in some ways in the UK today as a power to instruct and remove, not an enabling, active power. Elected mayors or Board members are assumed to have a sinew linking them directly to local people. "Either he (almost inevitably a he) gets stuff done or we sack him". It also plays to a simplistic, lobbyist take on engagement. "Either he does what we want on this issue or he has to go".  Ability to sack has replaced desire to trust.

I exaggerate for effect but an unsubtle focus on populist performance and hangman accountability does us no good.  It tends to give a false sense of ownership to the public and to nurture a short-termist focus for the elected individual and  by the media.  

How much more powerful and positive is active citizenship and continuing participation, by contrast? Local engagement, smart, multi-channel engagement done with conviction, remains for me the basis for sustained social progress - a joint agenda for elected, non-elected and electors alike, a common driver for improvement, especially at a time of potentially bone-headed "more for less" in public services.

The challenge it presents to all concerned, not least to worn-down citizens used to either passive non-engagement or active single-issue campaigning, is not to be underestimated. Crucially it does not depend on the patronage of the political system alone but I guess having the Big Society as a policy driver can but help. (But spare us the mythical imagery of rural idyll or any attempt to dress Big Society up as the missing link to a radical tradition.  Please.)

The shift to powerful public engagement does though depend in part on insight and support from public institutions.  Now as they face truly knotty dilemmas and problems, without the ballast of upward spiral income, leaders of these organisations can surely wait no longer to embrace all the benefits of active, continuing participation in a serious way, rather than relying on a purely or largely election-based model. 

Fontis is here to help the elected, the unelected, the elector and even the unelectable!  The prize is huge and the time is right.   

Raising the political profile of involvement is good news, right?

It after the election that Fontis will provide both challenge and support to individuals and organisations, elected or otherwise.

Sunday 18 April 2010 09:00 by Mark Butler (0 comments)

Only some of the potential applications of involvement are currently being aired by the mainstream political parties, for a mixed bag of reasons.

The election has certainly raised the profile of public involvement.  It has even brought into the public domain (tentatively) the way involvement plays alongside democratic processes.  This has to be good news, right?

The answer depends on what you see as public involvement and its real potential.

At Fontis we believe public involvement can work in many different ways. Only some of these are currently being aired by the mainstream political parties and, as you would expect, for a mixed bag of reasons. 

The full implications and the real power of embracing the messy world of involvement is always going to be a challenge to elected politicians, whatever their declared intentions. 

Democratic accountability is a particular type of accountability, and in the UK brings with it a requirement to plan, control and make decisions on behalf of others. 

Involvement is inherently much more diffuse and fluid, about active contribution rather than accountability, and therefore outside the all-embracing model of institutional and democratic performance management.

The real challenge is how the two can work well together.  Meeting the challenge requires a marked shift by those elected from paternalistic enablement - "we will allow the public" - to a genuine recognition that transformational power really is with and from the continuing engagement between people. 

It is the steps after the election that will matter most and this is when Fontis will provide both challenge and support to individuals and organisations, elected or otherwise.

Whatever the outcome of the election there will be much to do.